Ambassador Rashad Novruz on Climate Conferences, an Aviation Tragedy, and Partnership with Brazil

In recent years, Azerbaijan and Brazil, despite their geographical distance, have increasingly found themselves at the intersection of global processes—from the climate agenda to international transport and energy.

Following Azerbaijan’s successful hosting of COP29, international attention has turned to Brazil’s preparations for COP30, with both environmental organizations and diplomatic circles expressing interest in Azerbaijan’s experience. At the same time, diplomatic work in Brazil coincided with a dramatic event: the decoding of the black boxes from the Embraer 190 aircraft of Azerbaijan Airlines, which crashed near Aktau late last year, was organized in Brazil—the aircraft’s country of manufacture—with the participation of Azerbaijani representatives. This episode demonstrated the importance of rapid international cooperation and the professionalism of both sides.

In an interview with 1news.az, Rashad Novruz, Azerbaijan’s Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to Brazil, discusses the recognition of Azerbaijan’s presidency of COP29, the practical lessons for Belém—the city that will host COP30 this year—and the prospects for bilateral relations in politics, economics, science, and culture.

– COP29 was successfully held in Azerbaijan. How valuable is Azerbaijan’s experience for Brazil in preparing for COP30? Has Brazil requested assistance in preparing for the conference?

– Absolutely valuable. Very much so. The fact is that Brazil had far more time to prepare for its COP conference than Azerbaijan did. Just consider this: although the final formal decision to hold COP30 in Brazil was made at COP28 in Dubai, Belém’s candidacy to host COP30 was announced by then President-elect Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva during his participation at COP27 in Sharm El-Sheikh in November 2022. The candidacy was endorsed by the Latin American and Caribbean Group in May 2023, and that August Belém already hosted the Amazon Summit. So they had, and continue to have, much more time to prepare for their COP.

We, by contrast, had only ten months. Logistically and protocol-wise, organizing an event of this scale in just ten months is a mega-project, the kind of undertaking where 24 hours in a day are simply not enough. You have to find an extra couple of hours each day, each week. That’s without even mentioning the substantive agenda and negotiations—uniting the world and finding consensus, particularly on such a sensitive issue as climate finance. But despite the critically short time frame, we managed to accomplish this task at a high level. That is why Brazil is so interested in Azerbaijan’s experience in coordinating all elements—from macro- and micro-logistics, preparing hotel capacity, and protocol matters for delegations to ensuring smooth transport corridors for the movement of guests.

And all of this had to be arranged in such a way that life in the country and in society did not come to a halt, but continued in its usual rhythm. That was our achievement. It must be acknowledged that COP in Baku not only did not disrupt life, but on the contrary, generated enormous interest, especially among young people. I will not compare Baku and Belém. Let me simply say this: Belém is not Baku. They face logistical challenges and a shortage of hotels. There is plenty of information about this online. It is not my place to elaborate. But the Brazilian side is doing its best.

In particular, when in May this year Brazil received a delegation led by Nermin Jarchalova, Chair of the Azerbaijan Operating Company COP29, the goal was precisely to assess and learn more about Belém. They did. There are challenges and there is work to be done. The dialogue was direct and productive. What was especially noteworthy was that the Brazilian side asked questions about our COP experience and requested assistance in certain areas. I am pleased that this visit demonstrated our professionalism and that we remain mindful of legacy and reputation, ready to share our experience and support Brazil in tackling difficult issues.

Organizationally, COP is a challenge. We know this firsthand. Our professionalism and good work must continue to live on beyond COP29. The very fact that Brazil is asking us to support its presidency and preparations for COP30 is in itself recognition of the high level of our own presidency.

Let me add an interesting point. Already last year, during its presidency of the G20, Brazil began to test our intentions, ideas, and capabilities. It invited our country to 10–11 thematic clusters, sectoral ministerial meetings, and so forth. Imagine this: between July and October alone, more than ten high-level Azerbaijani delegations visited Brazil. All delegation heads, anticipating our COP29, spoke in unison about our intentions, shared ideas, and inquired about the interests of G20 countries. And what does that signify? Not just speaking and declaring, but also listening to partners and absorbing what was heard. This impressed the Brazilians. They welcomed our ministers, deputy ministers, and heads or deputy heads of various government agencies.

From that moment, a certain momentum had already built up—both in our bilateral relations and in the agenda of our COP presidencies. It was no accident that the idea was born to sign an exceptionally important document: the memorandum on the “Roadmap: from Baku to Belém,” signed by our Deputy Foreign Minister Yalchin Rafiyev, Azerbaijan’s chief negotiator on COP.

– How was COP29 received in Brazil? What lessons did Brazilians draw from it?

– Brazil sent the largest delegation of any country to COP29 in Azerbaijan. And I am not referring only to the official delegation, but to all participants—journalists, students, politicians, representatives of federal authorities and local governments (including several governors, among them from Amazonian states), parliamentarians, and NGOs. They saw with their own eyes what COP is and how we hosted it, how we built it from scratch, what we brought to it, and how we carried it through. I was sent to Baku for several days. The Brazilians were everywhere.

By the way, I would like to extend my gratitude to the leadership and staff of the Ministry of Culture for giving Brazilians something of an exclusive experience: a concert was organized at the State Philharmonic. Their maestro, Claudio Cohen, conducted our orchestra. It was a magnificent performance of classical works by our great composers. The Brazilians were delighted by what they saw. They felt Baku—they found both the time and the desire for it. Remember, COP is above all work, and also quite stressful (negotiations, meetings, and so on). But we showed them our country, our uniqueness, and our values. This is of enormous importance when hosting events, especially of this scale. They are now considering how to showcase and promote their own country through COP.

What is particularly important, however, is the outcome of the negotiations and the achievement of the broadest possible consensus on the agenda. We succeeded in this.

Before COP, our country carried out extensive work around the world. In the first months of our presidency alone, Baku held more than 100 rounds of consultations. Beyond the most crucial results—decisions on subsequent financial allocations—we also secured adoption of all thematic initiatives, declarations, and so on. Our agenda was broad but at the same time focused and precise. Nothing superfluous.

This struck Brazilians as ambitious. They had not expected it. That is how COP29 remained in their memory—completely different from what they had imagined: real, attainable, dynamic. Their approach to their own COP is somewhat different, which is their prerogative. But it will be impossible for them to ensure success without building on the enabling measures inherited from COP29. And they know it.

Here is one example. Consider the work we did in supporting Brazil already now. This June, some 5,000 delegates from around the world gathered in Bonn to prepare for COP30 in Belém. From the very first hours of the first day, the atmosphere was tense, and the conference could not begin, since even the agenda could not be agreed upon. The Brazilian side turned to us for help and support. We, however, have substantial negotiating capacity and channels with countries with which our diplomacy has built tremendous relationships over recent years.

And so we managed to persuade a certain group of countries to begin discussions. The situation was saved. The Bonn conference began its work. Brazil, and not only Brazil, was once again convinced that even in deadlocked situations Azerbaijan can achieve a great deal. This is precisely why it is of vital importance for the Brazilian side to secure Azerbaijan’s support for the successful hosting of COP30 in Belém. They already know this.

– If we set COP aside, what else unites our countries?

– For now, not much. I would like there to be more. We must create, work, and seek points of intersection between our interests. Politically, of course, there is one important element we do not forget. It is, in a sense, a foundational element of our bilateral relations. It concerns the adoption of those four landmark UN Security Council resolutions in the autumn of 1993. At that time, Brazil was a non-permanent member of the Security Council. And despite being a country with a large, vocal, and active Armenian diaspora, Brazil supported all those resolutions. Brazil supported the sovereignty, territorial integrity, and inviolability of the internationally recognized borders of our country. It is no coincidence that those four UNSC resolutions calling for the complete and unconditional liberation of Azerbaijan’s formerly occupied territories were adopted in 1993 during Brazil’s membership in this global body—and Resolution No. 874 was even passed during Brazil’s presidency of the Security Council.

Let me remind you that in autumn 2023, Brazil also took a clear stance at Security Council hearings. If you recall, it openly declared its support for the territorial integrity of our country, and also recognized the possibility of considering the Aghdam–Khankendi road as an alternative to the Lachin corridor for the delivery of goods to Khankendi.

Our mentalities and cultures differ. Yet both they and we have a strong drive to learn and to create.

This is especially true in the realm of culture and music. Brazilians are a very curious people. Their culture is extraordinarily rich. There is much we can do with Brazil in this field, while simultaneously deepening dialogue and bringing our societies and peoples closer together.

One of the areas that can help foster such rapprochement is cooperation in education. We recently signed an agreement. We will now work to implement the objectives set out in that document.

– How can our countries be useful to each other politically and economically?

– Brazil is the largest and most influential country in Latin America—both politically and diplomatically, as well as economically. Owing to its scale and weight in regional organizations, it has significant opportunities. It also has substantial trade potential with countries in our region and across Eurasia as a whole. With active economic diplomacy, one can also open new political horizons. But such matters must be approached carefully.

We are not setting unattainable goals. For now, we are studying and learning about each other’s potential. Prospects must be considered in trade and logistics, since part of the growing trade with our region could flow through Azerbaijan.

We should also not forget that Brazil is the world’s largest producer and exporter of certain goods and raw materials crucial for global food security. It is a country with a highly developed agro-industrial sector. Brazil produces virtually everything—from coffee, sugar, grains, and meat, all the way to airplanes. Incidentally, our space agencies are already cooperating on a number of concrete projects. We could also explore the commercialization of services provided by our satellites.

Another noteworthy point: the record for the deepest offshore well drilled in the oil industry belongs to Brazil. Its state oil company Petrobras is also moving step by step toward transforming itself into an innovation-driven energy company. Brazil has considerable experience in producing green energy and biofuels. Several countries are already preparing to invest in production there for their own needs and for the global market—particularly large volumes of sustainable aviation fuel.

I have been serving as ambassador to Brazil for three years now. During this time, the country has been visited on special missions by Mr. President’s special representative, Ambassador Elchin Amirbekov; former Deputy Prime Minister and now First Deputy Speaker of the Milli Majlis Ali Ahmadov; as well as the ministers of education, energy, agriculture, and finance. Heads and deputy heads of other ministries, state agencies, Azercosmos, and the State Audit Office have also visited during this period.

Did you know that Brazil is the world’s largest Catholic country (by both size and population)? In this context, an interesting visit was that of Sheikh-ul-Islam Allahshukur Pashazade. The dynamics of these visits speak for themselves. The journey here is long and demanding. Brazil is not a country people visit for leisure. I am glad that there is such interest and that mutual visits are increasing. With COP30, there will be even more.

Very recently, on September 1, two Azerbaijani delegations visited Brazil. Deputy Foreign Minister Elnur Mammadov held political consultations with the aim of fixing the trajectory of deepening relations and identifying potentially new areas of cooperation.

The second delegation was led by First Deputy Minister of Economy Elnur Aliyev. He chaired the inaugural meeting of our Azerbaijan-Brazil working group on economic cooperation. Meetings were held with the country’s vice president, foreign minister, as well as with a number of sectoral ministries, state and private chambers of commerce, and business representatives.

We shall see how effectively we can identify priorities and realize potential. It is considerable. In the first half of the year, trade turnover reached almost $200 million—nearly double last year’s figure.

– How does Brazil view Azerbaijan’s desire to join BRICS?

– Brazil has a rather specific approach to expanding this “club.” Yes, I use the word “club,” because the structure has not yet managed to organize itself institutionally and has not gone through the process of institutionalization with a full secretariat. Brazil itself acknowledges this, and it is by no means a priority of its current chairmanship. BRICS is not yet an international organization in the conventional sense of global practice.

Within BRICS, there are also significant differences. As I understand it, for Brazil it is very important, first, to institutionalize this “club,” and second, to define its priority areas. There are a number of working groups that still need either to be merged or abolished altogether.

As for us, we currently do not have the goal of discussing these matters with Brazil. Nor do we aim to advance this agenda in haste. What is important with Brazil is to identify and expand opportunities for bilateral cooperation. That is where our work is focused.

Bear in mind that our foreign policy agenda as a whole is gradual and ambitious, but it is also entirely pragmatic. I will not speculate about BRICS.

– How do you assess the prospects for cooperation between our countries in tourism?

– It is both possible and necessary. We will soon sign an agreement on cooperation in the field of tourism. Brazil has a population of more than 214 million. Of course, not the entire country travels abroad, but many go to Turkey and the Mediterranean. Azerbaijan is still little known to them. We must work on this. Continuity and specificity are needed. Travel agencies themselves must want to engage, calculate, and choose forms of cooperation. There is some interest, but the issue has not yet been fully developed.

It is also important to address air connectivity. Our countries are far apart. Geography, logistics, and the seven-hour time difference are difficult aspects of this matter.

– After the crash of an Azerbaijan Airlines Embraer near Aktau, when the plane was shot down over Chechnya by Russian air defenses, Azerbaijan insisted that the black boxes be opened in Brazil, the country that manufactured the aircraft. Given Moscow’s desire to bury the issue quickly, could Russia have used its rather warm relations with Brazil to interfere in the investigation and falsify the evidence and conclusions? What guarantees of objectivity did Azerbaijan receive, and what can you say overall on this matter?

– I will not comment on Brazil’s relations with other, third countries. That is not my place. As is well known, following a clear and principled stance and under the instruction of the head of state, we demanded an objective investigation.

It was clear that the Interstate Aviation Committee was not the right body for this. Our leadership, our society as a whole, and naturally our embassy, did not feel any sense of celebration during that period. Duty—both professional and civic—prevailed over any thoughts of Christmas and New Year holidays. I informed the embassy’s diplomatic staff that we could not and must not relax. We worked. Our work regime was special. The responsibility was great.

With the participation of representatives from Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Russia, the analysis of the black boxes was carried out in Brazil. The flight recorders of the Azerbaijan Airlines aircraft that crashed near Aktau were decoded over several days, after which the data were handed over by Brazil to Kazakh investigative authorities in line with international protocols.

It is worth noting that Brazil’s Center for Investigation and Prevention of Aeronautical Accidents (CENIPA) is a subordinate agency of the country’s Air Force, i.e. under the Ministry of Defense. They had a clear protocol and understanding of what needed to be done. The whole world was watching how Brazil conducted this analysis.

The decoding and transfer of the data were carried out without interference. The team that arrived from the relevant ministry—the State Civil Aviation Agency—did meticulous, high-quality work. The Brazilians understood the sensitivity of the matter, but the composure and professionalism of our delegation reflected the noble qualities of our people. As ambassador, I was deeply impressed and grateful to the Agency’s leadership and the Ministry for their work and for supporting our embassy. Coordination and teamwork were seamless.

I should add that just a few hours after the tragedy, the Brazilian aircraft manufacturer Embraer released a statement noting that the aircraft had very recently undergone a technical inspection and no issues had been identified. Embraer carries out such routine procedures with all customers. For the company, it is both a contractual requirement and a matter of prestige. Over its history, Embraer has delivered more than 9,000 aircraft to over 100 countries and 60 armed forces across five continents. It has also developed and certified more than 40 aircraft models, all bearing its unique engineering DNA. It is the world’s third-largest aircraft manufacturer, producing more than 70 commercial aircraft annually, along with several military transport planes. This is Brazil’s prestige.

Therefore, they had no interest in allowing any falsification or yielding to outside pressure. The entire global industry was watching them.