A new "Dexit": How the AfD wants to redraw the European Union

From the idea of Germany leaving the EU to the project of a "Union of Sovereign Nations" — the German right proposes limiting the powers of European institutions and returning to national governments the right to determine their own political course.

The Alternative for Germany (AfD) party proposes a radical revision of the principles by which the European Union operates. Direct elections to the European Parliament, the powers of the European Commission, the jurisdiction of the EU Court of Justice and the bloc's financial mechanisms — all of this, according to the party's new project, must undergo substantial changes.

As Politico reported, citing an internal party document, the AfD advocates the creation of a "Union of Sovereign Nations," in which key decisions would remain with national capitals, while European institutions would be assigned a significantly more limited role.

In this way, the party is moving from the idea of Germany's withdrawal from the EU to an attempt to change the very model of integration: to preserve economic cooperation, but to return control over the main political decisions to national governments.

Abandoning the euro and restructuring the EU

European integration has long remained one of the AfD's main targets. However, the party's approach has changed along with its political objectives. In 2013, when the AfD had only just appeared on the political scene, its main demand was abandoning the euro. The party criticized financial support for eurozone countries and opposed mechanisms that allowed responsibility for economic problems to be distributed among members of the monetary union.

In the draft of its 2025 election platform, the AfD once again supported Germany's exit from the European monetary system and the creation of a new economic community. Now the party's concept allows for keeping the euro, but envisages a substantial limitation of the powers of the European Central Bank (ECB) and the enshrining of the principle that each state is independently responsible for its own national debt.

The AfD proposes retaining the internal market, the protection of external borders, cooperation in the field of security and joint technological projects, while simultaneously expanding the freedom of national governments in matters of migration, taxation, social policy and defense.

Such an approach allows the party to combine the economic advantages of European cooperation with the rejection of obligations that it considers a restriction of state sovereignty.

European institutions under review

One of the most radical proposals concerns the European Parliament. The AfD intends to abandon direct elections of deputies and replace them with the delegation of representatives by national parliaments.

This would change the very principle of citizens' representation at the pan-European level. Today voters directly determine the composition of the European Parliament. Under the model proposed by the AfD, it would depend on decisions of national legislative bodies, and domestic political configurations in individual countries would gain additional influence over the formation of European institutions.

No less large-scale changes are proposed for the European Commission. The AfD wants to reduce its role primarily to administrative functions, transferring political decision-making to national leaders. As a result, the EU's ability to develop and implement a common policy would depend to a greater extent on governments' willingness to reach agreements among themselves.

A separate point of the program is the replacement of the Court of Justice of the European Union with an arbitration mechanism for resolving interstate disputes.

The EU Court not only considers disputes, but also ensures the uniform interpretation of European legislation, hears cases concerning countries' breaches of obligations and, in prescribed cases, may impose financial sanctions. Arbitration, as a rule, is created to resolve specific disputes within the mandate established by the parties.

Therefore, this is not merely about replacing one legal mechanism with another. Such a reform could weaken centralized oversight of compliance with EU norms and expand the opportunities for national governments to challenge decisions taken at the pan-European level.

Who will pay for the new European Union

The economic component of the project is no less important. The AfD proposes cutting the EU budget, limiting the activities of European agencies and personnel expenses, as well as abandoning contributions to the common budget from a portion of pan-European sources, including VAT and the plastic tax.

For Germany this question is of particular importance. The country is among the EU's largest net donors, so a revision of budget rules may correspond to the interests of those voters who believe that Berlin bears an excessive financial burden.

However, a reduction of the common budget will inevitably raise the question of which areas will lose funding and who will compensate for the resulting shortfall. For countries receiving significant funds for infrastructure development, agricultural support and the reduction of regional inequality, the consequences could prove substantial.

Among such states are Poland and Romania, for which European funds play a notable role in the development of regions and infrastructure, as well as Greece, which is interested in funding for agriculture and regional development programs. A reduction in pan-European spending could sharpen the contradictions between donor countries and recipients of funds.

This dispute is unfolding against the backdrop of preparations for the EU's long-term budget for 2028–2034. Germany is seeking a more equitable, from its point of view, distribution of expenditures, while other participants are striving to preserve funding for agriculture, regional programs and joint projects.

The AfD proposes revising not only the volume of spending, but also the very sources from which the common budget is formed. The fewer common resources there are, the harder it is to finance tasks that individual countries cannot effectively solve on their own.

The party also advocates granting the largest eurozone economies greater influence over ECB decisions and rejects the idea of a digital euro. These initiatives are aimed at limiting supranational economic regulation and strengthening national governments' control over financial policy.

Against common rules

The AfD proposes expanding states' freedom in matters of migration, granting asylum, tax and social policy, as well as defense. Germany, according to this concept, should have the opportunity to refuse to implement EU decisions if they contradict its national interests.

However, the common market presupposes uniform rules, and their effectiveness depends on how consistently countries observe the obligations they have assumed. If national governments can independently determine which decisions to implement, this will create additional uncertainty for trade, investment and economic cooperation.

Supporters of the AfD call such an approach a restoration of democratic control: decisions should be made by governments directly accountable to their own voters. Critics, however, warn that an expansion of national powers could make it more difficult to coordinate common policy — above all in the sphere of security and foreign relations.

Thus, the dispute concerns not only Brussels' powers, but also the balance between the independence of states and the obligations they assume within the framework of the union.

Counting on a political turning point

The AfD's proposals should also be considered in the context of its electoral prospects. The party seeks not only to strengthen its positions in the European Parliament, but also to achieve participation in Germany's federal government. The internal document reported by Politico links further strategy to the possibility of forming a "patriotic right-wing majority" in Europe in 2029.

The next elections to the European Parliament and the federal elections in Germany are scheduled for that same year. This makes the current program not only an ideological manifesto, but also part of a long-term political calculation: the AfD is trying to present itself as a force capable of offering an alternative model of European order.

According to the average of polls published by Wahl.de on October 19, the AfD was polling at 28.4%, ahead of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), which was given 18.9%. These figures do not guarantee the party victory in future elections, but they testify to its significant electoral weight.

At the same time, German society's attitude toward the AfD remains contradictory. According to an October ZDF poll, 68% of respondents consider the party a threat to democracy. The question of banning it also divides society: 51% oppose a ban, while 43% support it.

These indicators reflect a dual situation — the AfD enjoys serious support, but at the same time provokes deep rejection among a significant part of the population. Therefore, its plans will depend not only on election results, but also on the party's ability to expand its political coalition beyond its own electorate.

The document also retains the possibility of holding a nationwide referendum on Germany's participation in the EU and eurozone institutions, if negotiations on revising the treaties do not bring the desired result. However, this proposal itself does not mean that Germany's exit has already been decided or that a referendum would automatically lead to it. Such a scenario would require separate political and legal decisions.

What kind of Europe the AfD wants

The party's new strategy is aimed at voters who are drawn to the ideas of national sovereignty, spending cuts and the return of control over political decisions. Refusing an immediate exit from the EU allows the AfD to present its program not as a break with Europe, but as an alternative to the current model of integration.

But the main question remains open: is it possible to preserve the advantages of European unification while simultaneously weakening the mechanisms on which its functioning rests? The common market, economic stability and joint security require coordinated decisions and adherence to agreements. The more exceptions national governments receive, the harder it is to maintain this balance.

Therefore, the significance of the AfD's project goes beyond the dispute over Brussels' powers. What is at stake is the future of European cooperation: will the EU remain a union capable of developing common rules, or will it gradually turn into a platform where each country is guided above all by its own interests?